The ideological bankruptcy of Hindutva politics
text_fields
It is becoming clearer each day that the BJP, which is ruling the Centre and various states, has no clear political direction or strategy other than reaping power by sowing racial hatred. The rift in the BJP in Uttar Pradesh after the announcement of the state assembly elections proves more than anything else the BJP's is ideological bankruptcy and political impoverishment. Although this is clear, the Sangh Parivar is devising strategies to overcome obstacles through monetary and muscular strength of power politics instead of finding a viable solution. Instead of addressing the problems of the common man, such as poverty, unemployment and caste discrimination, the party is looking for tactics to throw dust in the eyes of the electorate. When BJP ministers and MLAs from lower sections of society deserted the BJP, they all raised some serious political issues in unison. What the minister or MLAs openly said was that the party has not been able to escape the caste domination that prevails in the state and in spite of becoming the heads at state and central levels, they have not been able to overcome caste discrimination. However, Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath is shrouding these issues in darkness instead of coming up with a realistic solution that details a solution to the issues raised. He came to the simple logic that the grievances of the backward classes could be resolved by eating lentils curry at the home of a Dalit. And that amounts to Yogi 's openly admitting that the BJP has no alternative other than such jugglery to solve the problems facing the country.
The truth is that BJP ministers from backward castes like Swami Prasad Maurya, who shifted to the SP using the background of elections, were using this opportunity express their long-suppressed feelings of anger and resentment. Two years ago, in December 2019, 100 BJP MLAs staged a sit-in in the Assembly premises in Lucknow. The protest was with the allegation that 44% of the voters were from backward communities and castes but the upper echelons in the state in the executive and political leadership were dictated by upper castes. The immediate provocation was an MLA's allegation that he had been denied even the opportunity to defend himself in a case registered against him by the police. Two years later, Maurya and Dharam Singh Saini are still saying that even the backward castes in the cabinet are being neglected and discriminated against. They allege that they are being deprived of the benefits of power. Employment and job reservation, quotas in government contracts, undue freedom to conduct illicit transactions, corruption and subordination of police stations were all monopolised by the upper castes in government. Almost everything in the state has been ceded to the private sector. Only school teacher jobs are spared, but that too is being handed over to the private sector. Private employers, on the other hand, have begun to cut salaries and pension age. The leaders also shared the concern that the teaching field, on which the backward classes depended heavily, would be alienated from them and the backward classes would suffer in employment opportunities and livelihood.
The big irony is that the benefits which the Mandal Commission report had thrown open to the backward classes has led to caste discrimination among the backward classes in UP. Mulayam Singh's Samajwadi Party got them for the Yadavs, and Mayawati's BSP for the Jadhav, and both got them appearing as backward classes' Messiahs. Backward among the backward such as Maurya, Saini, Kashyap and Kushwaha were left behind. Eventually, those ditched were hopeful when Yogi was hoisted upon the state up by the Centre, despite memories about the BJP having sidelined the backward-caste Kalyan Singh. But they could not bear to see the 'saffron-clad saint' turning into a perfect 'Thakurvadi'. That is what came out in the form of the 2019 dharna. Backward class leaders had earlier threatened to retaliate in the elections. However, the BJP tried to cover up the caste issue with religious sectarian cards like Ayodhya and Mathura. Recent developments indicate that it will not be easy.
They had already betrayed it that the Hindutva philosophy of the Sangh Parivar is only an instrument of the rule of the upper caste Brahmin elite. But to cover up this, the Sangh Parivar has been claiming that it is mobilizing everyone under the umbrella of Hinduism as a cultural race with the aim of seizing power, and that their goal is prosperity. But what is happening under the BJP rule in UP, where a Sanyasi is the chief minister, confirms that it cannot be freed from the genetic defect of upper caste Brahmanism. This means that even if the card of secular pluralism in India is torn asunder to make way for that of the 'Hindu unification', it too cannot be put into practice. This is the pathetic failure and helplessness of Hindutva.
