In this era of Hindutva fascism ruling the country, the demise of Sitaram Yechury has plunged into grief all those who believe in democracy and are fighting for the concept of Indiaf. When Sitaram Yechury, who led the CPM for nearly a decade departs, it will have to be seen as marking the end of a unique left-wing political model. Despite the ideological conflicts that the established left has been facing, he presented new models of pragmatic politics which were unparalleled, while remaining firmly rooted in his ideology. As Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan remarked, Yechury was acceptable even to the party's critics because of these models. Opposition leader Rahul Gandhi's condolence message, describing him as a leader who touched the soul of India, also reflects the same observation. To bring down the fascist government under Modi's ten-year leadership, both inside and outside the party, Yechury put forward the idea of opposition unity. That was not something new. In 1992, immediately after becoming a Politburo member, the first book Yechury wrote was a study on the dangers of Hindutva (What is this Hindu Rashtra? On Golwalkar's Fascist Ideology and the Saffron Brigade's Practice). From then on, Yechury's life was intertwined with the ideological struggle against Hindutva. In practical politics, Yechury envisioned a united front of all secular and minority groups, transcending ideological differences, and worked to establish a common minimum programme for such fronts.
Yechury was a leader who faced the most criticism within the party due to this pragmatic policy. In 2016, after the party's rout in West Bengal, the Central Committee meeting convened in this backdrop saw Yechury being cornered and blamed by everyone, which became big news. The criticism was that the alliance formed with the Congress had deepened the defeat. Many indirectly mocked him as a 'Congressman'. Yechury's relationship with the Congress is well-known. He initiated that relationship with the Congress by collaborating with P. Chidambaram to formulate the Common Minimum Programme for the first UPA government in 2004. This relationship strengthened after he entered the Rajya Sabha in 2005, and he often became the spokesperson for the first UPA. However, the party was always his priority, which is why he stepped down when the party decided to distance itself from the UPA.
The reason for this stance is clear: his political life has always been a struggle against fascism. It began with his fight against Indira Gandhi's fascism during the Emergency when he was a student at JNU. He had to discontinue his research pursuit for that struggle, but he was not deterred. He continued the struggle through writing and politics. When he started seeing signs of Hindutva rule in the country, he worked to bring everyone together to prevent it. The first UPA government was also a result of this initiative. In 2014, when fascism came to power again with renewed vigour, he also returned to the scene with old slogans. When he was elected General Secretary of the CPI(M) the following year, it was believed that the party would strengthen that struggle. However, he had to face a PB group that was far removed from his beliefs. The 2022 party Congress can be seen as a complete surrender, where the decision was made to contest elections by highlighting the Kerala model as an alternative to Modi's Gujarat model. Yechury, who had openly opposed the Silver Line project in Kerala until then, had to change his stance for the sake of the party. It can also be observed that he had been sidelined even before that, as seen in the party's stance in 2017 that he should not be sent to the Rajya Sabha. Even Yechury's political enemies desired his presence in the Rajya Sabha, and with the cooperation with the Congress, it would have been possible to enter the Rajya Sabha from West Bengal itself. Rahul Gandhi even came directly to express his support. However, the senior leaders in the party did not understand this and confined him to the party office by pointing out shortcomings. Even when an opportunity to correct the mistake arose in 2020, they did not give Yechury a chance.
There is a reading that if Yechury had entered the Rajya Sabha with Congress support in 2017, it would have been a huge boost to the concept of a united opposition. However, although the party leadership rejected such an alliance for various reasons, Yechury continued the ideological struggle within the party. The following year's party Congress in Hyderabad also became a platform for this ideological struggle. The dispute over the draft political resolution to be presented at the Congress became big news at the time. The central issue was whether Modi's government constituted a fascist regime. Yechury argued that it was not only fascist but also that an alliance with secular parties was necessary to counter its dangers. Meanwhile, the opposing side dubbed the 'Karate faction' by the media, contended that Modi's regime only exhibited fascist tendencies. This was the thesis that was eventually ater incorporated in the resolution. It is also noteworthy that Yechury's demise occurred at a time when the CPM stands on the doorstep of another party Congress. As the Hindutva government moves forward with new strategies in its third term, the main question is: who will take up Yechury's slogans this time?