The Opposition has been pointing to various factors as the reason for the accusation that the Narendra Modi government is bowing to threats and pressure from US President Donald Trump. The latest of these is the sanctions related to the Chabahar project. Chabahar is a major port in Iran that has come to be the centrepiece of India's economic cooperation with that country. It is an vital gateway for India's commercial needs and the movement of goods to Afghanistan. It allows access to Afghanistan and Central Asia without going through Pakistan. India had expressed interest and held talks to build and operate the Shahid-Beheshti Terminal at Chabahar Port as early as the beginning of this century. An agreement was reached in 2016; India took over its operation in 2018. A ten-year contract was signed in May 2024. It was hailed as a project that would benefit the entire region. Meanwhile, US foreign policy became a headache for other countries. The Trump administration, which had initially exempted Chabahar from US sanctions on Iran, has now withdrawn that exemption. India has by this time invested billions of dollars in the project.
With the US decision to impose additional tariffs of 25 and 50 percent on countries trading with Iran, India has backed down, handing over the day-to-day operation of the port to the Iranians. Just as there is no relationship with Iran, there is also a US order to have no relationship with Russia. Last year, the US imposed tariffs on Indian exports as a punishment for buying oil from Russia. India's response was that it had no choice but to succumb to such ‘economic blackmail’, says Lok Sabha Opposition Leader Rahul Gandhi. India’s failure to take a strong stand against the US or register a protest was a betrayal of its dignity. When Trump claimed, by name, that he had stopped the India-Pakistan conflict, the Prime Minister remained silent – though a thinly veiled denial was issued through the department of external affairs. The reception given to the Pakistani army chief at the White House was also a mockery of the Indian government. At that time too, Rahul Gandhi compared Modi's silence to Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's firm response to the US sending its 7th Fleet to the Bay of Bengal in 1971. It is not just Modi's boast of a personal relationship with Trump that is collapsing in the face of US insolence; but also the claim that the Indian diaspora has the power to shape US policies and India-US trade relations. Trump's decision to sharply increase the fees for the new H1B visa will affect Indians the most. Trump's criticism of US companies investing in India also was not to placate India. There was no effective intervention from India, even at the diplomatic level, at any of these stages.
The argument that there was no diplomatic intervention at all may not be entirely correct. There is an argument that it is not wise to protest or express anger in the international arena—especially when the other side is someone like Trump. India got a temporary relief from the tariffs on the Chabahar project because of India's diplomatic efforts without any fuss. Such efforts are still ongoing. But it is said that in foreign relations and international trade, the only proof of competence is effectiveness. Whether through pressure, diplomacy, or force, the thing should have been done. But neither Modi’s claimed personal connections, nor the vastness of the Indian market, nor its other alliance options like Russia, China, BRICS, have been useful in the face of Trump’s amusements—except for some temporary concessions. India’s weakness is its lack of a stance. India was content to believe that nothing would affect us when Trump's arrogance flared up against Venezuela, Cuba, Greenland, and Iran. While the government was celebrating 'Howdy Modi' and 'Namaste Trump', India did not even think about alternatives, defence, or the balance of power. Will India at least start thinking about ways to defend against America?