Gorakhnath’s syncretism, Yogi’s bulldozer raj, and a word for Neha Bora

“Holding onto anger is like drinking poison and expecting the other person to die.” — Siddhartha Gautama Buddha

In her angry outbursts against Yogi Adityanath, Generation-Z activist Neha Bora recently used several hostile words against the Uttar Pradesh chief minister. By doing so, the young activist—who is the national president of the All-India Students’ Association (AISA)—helped Adityanath rather than paving the way for the “political punishment” he deserves.

The vitriolic invectives mouthed by Neha, a promising researcher and Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) alum, offered a pretext to Adityanath's supporters and monstrously huge organisations like the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and Hindu Yuva Vahini (HYV) to attack her as “uncivilised.” Neha and her comrades might be noticing the torrent of hate campaigns targeting her across social media platforms.

It would have been more prudent for Neha to examine Adityanath's deeds against the legacy of Gautama Buddha, Kabir, and Yogi Gorakhnath, whose names she rightly invoked in her speech. Explaining the legacy of Gorakhnath—the inspiration behind the Gorakhnath shrine in Gorakhpur, which Adityanath heads as Mahant—on the basis of empirical accounts in Bhakti-Sufi literature would actually enlighten the public and serve their cause against the sufferings of Yogi’s bulldozer raj.

Gorakhnath’s Legacy

Who was Gorakhnath? What is his legacy? Why is he venerated and placed on a par with Gautama Buddha in fostering discipline in socio-religious life and humanistic philosophy? Why have saints, mystics, and philosophers described him as a precursor to Kabir, Nanak, Dadu, Wajid, Farid, and Mirabai?

Historical, literary, and bardic accounts suggest Gorakhnath lived in the 11th century. Eminent Hindi writer Hazari Prasad Dwivedi’s seminal work, Nath Sampradaya, notes that followers of Gorakhnath or the Nath sect exist across the country, both north and south of the Vindhyas. They belong to weaver, shepherd, and agricultural communities among both Hindus and Muslims.

George Weston Briggs, an acclaimed 20th-century Indologist, anthropologist, and expert on the Nath monastic order, cited census figures in his book Gorakhnath and the Kanphata Yogis. Quoting the 1891 census, Briggs noted 83,137 Muslim Yogis in Punjab alone out of 2,14,546 Yogis across India. He also quoted the 1921 census, which recorded 6,29,978 Hindu Yogis, 31,158 Muslim Yogis, and 1,41,132 Fakirs across both communities.

Research suggests Gorakhnath was a pioneering rebel against contemporary orthodoxy who inducted socially and culturally marginalised people—long looked down upon by the powerful priestly class—into his order. He exerted a strong influence on successive saints, including Kabir, Dadu, Mulla Dawood, and Malik Muhammad Jayasi.

The ballads of Heer Ranjha, Sorath Brijbhar, Alha-Udal, and Saranga Sadabrij, which endure in the generational memory of Northern and Western India, took shape during Gorakhnath’s era and were deeply influenced by his message of universal love, unity, and humanity. In 12th-century Kannada Virashaiva literature, specifically the Shoonya Sampadane, Gorakhnath features in a famous mystical dialogue with the Lingayat saint Allama Prabhu.

Furthermore, the most direct counterpart to North India's Nath Yogis is the Tamil Siddhar (Cittar) lineage—a group of 18 non-conformist mystics including Thirumoolar, Bogar, and Korakkar (who is explicitly identified in Southern tradition as Gorakhnath himself).

Gorakhnath left behind an extraordinarily rich and inclusive philosophy. In fact, credit for the physical foundation of the present Gorakhnath shrine goes to Mahant Buddhanath (1708–1723) and his mystic friend Baba Roshan Ali. Historical accounts indicate that the Nawab of Awadh, Asaf-ud-Daula, donated over 52 acres of land to Buddhanath and Roshan Ali in the 18th century, which helped rejuvenate the temple and elevate its glory.

The Gorakhnath shrine was an iconic centre of composite culture until Digvijaynath became its Mahant in the 1930s and set in motion the diabolical process of destroying the very legacy of the saint in whose name he was initiated into the Nath sect.

Digvijaynath and his successors, Avaidyanath and now Adityanath, transformed the Gorakhnath shrine into an epicentre of militant Hindutva. These three Mahants, working in tandem with the RSS, altered the core identity of the Nath sect.

The current generation in India can make neither head nor tail of the actual philosophy and message of Gorakhnath if they observe and emulate Adityanath; Adityanath is effectively the antithesis of Gorakhnath.

Adityanath as Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister

Adityanath has little to show for his performance as chief minister of India’s most populous state. On unemployment, poverty alleviation, social justice, education, and health, he has abysmal records. RSS cadres and his supporters claim he has "improved the law-and-order situation," which was poor during the tenures of Akhilesh Yadav and his father, Mulayam Singh Yadav.

This column has no intention of giving a clean chit to the Akhilesh and Mulayam eras; but in an objective sense, the meaning of "improved law and order" in the Adityanath era, apparently, is bulldozing the houses of poor minorities, killing Muslim leaders or activists in the name of "encounters," putting them behind bars, showering flower petals on Kanwarias, engaging the state administration to serve those pilgrims, humiliating even Hindu sants and priests who dissent and challenge the RSS's and Adityanath’s interpretation of Hindu practices, and letting loose various RSS-associated or supported militant organisations to dance with swords and spears near mosques on festive occasions.

Adityanath is perhaps confident that the hate campaigns against Muslims—which have proven effective in election after election, particularly after 2014—will work again in the 2027 U.P. assembly election, securing him a third term.

Frustration vs. Hope

There are no qualms in accepting that the preceding generation—which includes yours truly—failed to pass on the India it grew up in to the next generation. Instead, it foisted an order that has made a mockery of democratic, educational, cultural, and economic institutions. Uttar Pradesh—a cradle of syncretic culture, love ballads, and harmonious coexistence—looks morphed into a battleground of Hindus versus Muslims under Bharatiya Janata Party rule.

How did this happen? Credit for this shift in the socio-political setup goes to the organizational strength of the RSS. Uttar Pradesh now contains a large section of people across caste lines who subscribe to the RSS's and Adityanath’s version of Hinduism. It would be foolhardy to deny that Uttar Pradesh now has a substantial population indoctrinated in the tenets of Hindutva, forming the core voter base of the BJP.

But there is hope: Generation Z and Generation Alpha appear to understand Hindutva’s game. They are ahead of the previous generation in identifying the malaise festering in Indian democracy over the last twelve years or so. Indians in their twenties and early thirties are not guilty of bringing in the current regime or defining its version of "New India." Yet they are its primary sufferers, facing an unprecedented disappearance of quality education and employment opportunities.

Thus, hope lies with activists like Neha Bora and numerous others who signalled their potential to revive India at Jantar Mantar. Kudos to Neha and her comrades who are now taking the momentum from Jantar Mantar to cities, towns, and villages. Still, a long road lies ahead. They are tasked with building micro- and macro-level organizations to counter outfits that have carried out hate campaigns for decades. They must remain circumspect and diligent.

O Neha Bora! Gain control over your emotions by following the teachings of Gautama Buddha and Gorakhnath. Learn how Gorakhnath undertook Hatha Yoga to discipline himself, and how Buddha taught the shunning of anger through meditation.

Yours truly offers all best wishes to you and your generation!