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Alla Bakh Shah (Allah Bakhsh Muhammed Umar Zumro), the eminent freedom fighter holding profound influence among the ordinary Muslim across India, who stood for a united India, once stated: It is more true that all Muslims in India take pride in being Indians as well as equally consider estimable that their spiritual strength and adopted religion is Islam. Along with this, Alla Bakhsha added another important point: the whole of India is their homeland for all the Muslims in this country. Never can anyone have the right to deny even an inch of that.
Amid the Hindutva fascist period of violent persecution of Muslims who selflessly sacrificed their flesh and blood for Indian independence, the sacrificial struggles of Shaheed Allah Bakhshah remain pivotal aristocratic Brahminical government in India to expel Muslims through citizenship law. Alla Baksha's words embody a criticism of such notions of the cradle. The four tier-caste system (chathur varna vyavastha) is grounds for this Brahmanical Hinduism motherland concept. The social concept immersed in the triad patriarchal consciousness exists by excluding Dalits and Muslims.
In its August 14, 1947 issue, the Organizer, the mouthpiece of RSS, stated that much of the mental confusion and the present and future troubles can be removed by the ready recognition of the simple fact that in Hindusthan, only the Hindus form the nation. It has also enunciated that the nation must be built on Hindu traditions, culture, ideas, and aspirations. The so conceived Hindu Rashtra sustains only on triad patriarchal society. The Hindu-Brahmin state persists by violently marginalizing Dalits, Muslims, women and backward classes.
Golwalkar, in his 'Bunch of Thoughts' (vichardhara), unhesitatingly avers that Almighty, the Virat Purusha, of the Hindu community was self-incarnated and that the Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras originated from his head, arms, thighs and feet, respectively. Golwalkar refers to nothing else but this hierarchical social system as the Hindu community.
When Golwalkar mentions in "We or Our Nationhood Defined" that the concept of nation in this Hindustan is complete in the Hindu caste, its religion, culture, and language, it becomes patent that this very concept of nation is one that completely alienates Muslims.
When Golwalkar writes that caste forms the body of the nation and thus the nation will collapse with the collapse of caste, it becomes pretty clear that the Hindutva Brahmins imagine a hierarchical mechanism that violently classifies the people by the caste system. VD Savarkar writes in his essay Women in Manusmriti' that the code of conduct conceived and implemented for the Brahmanical Nation should have Manusmriti. Brahminical fascists believe that Manusmriti is far better than the Indian Constitution, which provides special rights and protection to Muslims. Hindutva spokespersons is waiting for a change in the Constitution of India as it remains as one that includes people alienated by the caste system and then its laws that divides between pure and impure classes.
The untouchability insisted on by the Brahmins was applied to the Muslims too on many grounds. In "History of the Freedom Movement in India", RC Majumdar writes that a Muslim, irrespective of his reverence, was forced to stay out of the homes of caste Hindus. In his work "The Historical Role of Islam", MN Roy observes that most orthodox Hindus view Muslims as ugly and not worth better social treatment than the lower castes of Hindus, whether highly educated, cultured or noble. It clearly states that Muslims are a group who have been violently expelled from the caste system of Brahmanism and have been turned into a physique of the other. It is a section so dreadfully dismissed by the Hindutva casteist system that progressive intellectuals in Kerala fear more than the Hindutva fascists do.
The question remains relevant whether those who clearly brand a section of the population as Talibanists would dare to call any community in Kerala a Hindutva clique. Those who propagate the politics of hatred that Muslims in Kerala should fear in the face of the Taliban, sitting in a state with the largest number of Hindutva shakhas (local units), are nothing less than true Hindutva's servants. The ones who turn Muslims into Talibanists in the absence of precise and perceptible evidence are mere advocates of Islamophobia, the very political weapon of Hindutva.
These people, who are vocal about otherization, are further violently propagating the same by marginalizing the people who have been expelled by Manusmriti for ages, accusing them of being extremists and terrorist Muslims. Being the real casteists and Manuvadis, these people try to establish a secular interpretation of savarna hegemony and Brahmanism. The same who seek revolution in the epic mythological texts and present them all as living contradictions and attempting to reclaim the Brahmin-serving Rama as the good Rama are also the ones behind portraying the Muslims in Kerala as Talibanists. The Muslim-phobia of the pseudo progressive folks proves that the refuge of those who seek good in Brahman will be nothing other than Hindutva. Meera Nanda observes that the other dreadful side of the Hindu-Brahmin system is alienation of Muslims. As sociologist Nikki Keddie rightly observes, progressive giants who seek to find values in Hindu Brahminical literature and then transform modern society are advocates of theocracy.