The Indian Union Muslim League is celebrating the 75th anniversary of its foundation on March 10, the day it was born at the Rajaji Hall in Chennai. The minority party that holds the banner of ’75 years of responsible politics’ certainly can be proud of its tradition of having spent three-quarters of a century with both the ruling and opposition parties. The All India Muslim League, whose seeds were sown after ample deliberations at the meeting of Nawabs, community leaders and intellectuals in Dhaka in 1906, was split in twain at the Karachi Conference in the context of achieving the declared goal of Pakistan. Based on this, a meeting of delegates convened by Qaid-e-Millat Muhammad Ismail Sahib in Madras in March 1948 decided to reorganize the league under the name Indian Union Muslim League. The party’s constitution, approved by the Indian Union Muslim League Council met at Madras on September 1, 1951, mainly envisioned to protect and maintain all the religious, cultural, social, educational, economic, administrative and other legitimate rights and interests of the Muslims and other minorities of the Indian Union. Evidently, Muslim League was not able to focus on north India in the context of communal polarization and allied issues that led to the partition of the nation. Hence, the leadership chose South India, especially Malabar as its fiefdom. The Muslim League undeniably has grown into a decisive force in Kerala politics since the demarcation of states along the lines of vernacular languages.
The first communist government of Kerala that came to power in 1956, led by EMS Namboothiripad, was dissolved before its term by the central government of Jawaharlal Nehru following the liberation struggle. In the assembly polls that followed, the Congress-PSP-Muslim League alliance won a majority and K. M. Seethi Sahib etched the party’s notable achievement by becoming house speaker. After his demise, the eminent CH. Mohammad Koya was elected to the post but he relinquished it under pressure from the Congress. The AICC's Durgapur resolution banning the party’s connection with communal parties was cited as the reason for this. But the R Shankar-led Congress government had to step down after Muslim League withdrew support to it. The political untouchability of the Muslim League ended after the party became an undeniable factor in the seven-party front formed under the leadership of EMS Namboothiripad following the 1967 elections. Two members of the seven-party front cabinet that came to power with a huge majority were Muslim Leaguers. A new chapter in the history of the party was opened when CH Mohammad Koya and M.P. Ahmed Kurikal took oath in the name of Allah.
The Muslim League, thanks to being the second largest party in the Congress-led United Democratic Front which took shape later, got its deserved ministerial posts in all subsequent governments led by the Congress. In 1977, at least for a short time, CH - as he was known - became the Chief Minister. Most recently in the Oommen Chandy government, the number of Muslim League ministers rose to five, albeit creating some controversy. The Muslim League sent more than one MP to the Lok Sabha, barring once though. While in and out of power, the Muslim League played a commendable role in ensuring that power is shared with the Muslim community and other backward sections bringing about educational development suitable for it. It must also be admitted that the League gained popular approval and recognition through its staunch faith in secular democracy. During this journey the party faced several serious crises. A split in the party led to the formation of the All India Muslim League. Ebrahim Sulaiman Sait was stripped of the party position for refusing to leave the Congress government following the fall of Babari Masjid. Kunhalikutty's resignation following a damning controversy is among a few crises the party faced over the years. When a dominant religious organization in Kerala split into two with one section leaning to the left, the Muslim League was upset after efforts for reunification failed. However, the emergence of new parties like PDP and SDPI did not make any serious dent in the League's hold in the community. However, the rise of Hindutva fascism and excessive authoritarianism in national politics is an unprecedented challenge for the community. It is disturbing not only to the League but religious minorities as a whole. People are hoping that the Chennai meet of the party, while sticking to stated goals and policies, will hold serious deliberations on how to deal with the grave threat facing the secular democratic system. We wish and pray the Muslim League will be able to play a crucial role in the constructive efforts to establish the supremacy of the Constitution by keeping the community and the democratic society together.