The United Nations recently celebrated its 80th anniversary. The United States, which has long been the single largest contributor to the UN budget, has refused to pay a penny for several months. The UN is staring bankruptcy in the face and may even have to vacate its headquarters in New York City.
During the Second World War, the Allies sometimes called themselves “the United Nations”. Posters of that era displayed the flags of the Allied nations, including that of India — not the green, white and saffron tricolour with the spinning wheel, but a red ensign bearing the Union Flag, namely the flag of the British Raj. The UN was formally established at the San Francisco Conference shortly before the end of the war.
Its precursor organisation, the League of Nations, had not yet been dissolved. The League had been intended to prevent war and resolve international disputes; it proved a dismal failure, partly owing to American non-participation and partly because major powers such as the USSR and Germany were not included from an early stage.
In 1945, there was genuine apprehension that the United States might revert to isolationism — trading with all but allying with none and avoiding membership in international fora. The United States and other puissant nations had to be inveigled into joining the UN. This was achieved through the creation of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), with five permanent members, each possessing veto power over Security Council resolutions.
The Permanent Five (P5) were the United States, the USSR, France, China and the United Kingdom. A Security Council resolution constitutes binding international law. In addition to the P5, the UNSC has ten non-permanent members who serve two-year terms and are elected by the United Nations General Assembly.
The General Assembly itself comprises all UN member states, each with a vote of equal value; however, its resolutions are recommendatory rather than binding.
Many argue that the UNSC is inequitable. The P5 are powerful states in their own right, and permanent membership only amplifies their influence. Even if the composition of the P5 reflected geopolitical realities in 1945, it does not do so today.
In 1945, the British Empire still existed; the United Kingdom has since diminished in both relative and absolute terms. The French Empire likewise endured in 1945, and some contend that France’s seat ought to be transformed into one representing the European Union. The Soviet Union no longer exists; in 1945, it accounted for approximately seven per cent of the world’s population, whereas the Russian Federation now represents roughly 1.5 per cent.
In 1945, the United States stood at the zenith of its economic and military power. The only P5 member whose stature has unequivocally grown is China. Notably, in 1945, it was the Republic of China that occupied the Chinese seat; this was transferred in 1971 to the People's Republic of China.
Since 2010, the United Kingdom has called for India to be granted permanent membership of the UNSC. This reflects cordial bilateral relations but also a strategic desire to counterbalance China and Russia. China is almost certain to oppose any proposal to admit India as a permanent member.
Some contend that Russia should be removed from the P5 on account of its aggression against Ukraine and its repeated violations of international law, actions said to contravene the UN Charter.
Questions are frequently raised as to why Africa or Latin America lacks permanent representation. France, with a population of approximately 70 million, holds a permanent seat, whereas Africa, with over one billion people, has none.
India was a founder member of the UN despite not attaining full independence until 1947, and the UN assisted in brokering a ceasefire during the first Indo-Pak war.
Expanding permanent membership presents its own complications: the greater the number of veto-holders, the more likely paralysis becomes. If permanent membership were increased to six or seven, the veto mechanism might require reform — perhaps necessitating two negative votes to block a resolution. Yet the current P5 have little incentive to dilute their own authority, preferring to retain the privileges of exclusivity.
There are constituencies within the United States that oppose UN membership altogether, fearing encroachment upon sovereignty. In 2000, one American politician even suggested bombing the UN headquarters.
The UN operates numerous specialised agencies, including UNICEF, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the World Bank, the World Health Organization, the Food and Agriculture Organization, UNESCO, the International Atomic Energy Agency, the International Maritime Organization and the International Court of Justice. Many of these bodies are headquartered in prosperous Western cities such as The Hague, London, Rome and Vienna, or in Geneva, one of the world’s most expensive cities.
Critics observe that less economically developed countries contribute funds to the UN, yet a substantial proportion of that money is expended in wealthier states where operating costs — property, salaries and utilities — are markedly higher. There are UN offices in Kenya and South Africa, yet both are among the more affluent African states.
A broader geographical distribution of UN offices, including in countries such as Ghana, Senegal, Morocco, India, Thailand, Malaysia, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Mexico, Argentina, Brazil, Panama, Peru and Trinidad, would arguably reduce Eurocentrism and redistribute economic benefits more equitably.
The UN is headed by a Secretary-General who serves a five-year term and may serve no more than two terms. No woman has yet held the office. The first acting Secretary-General, Gladwyn Jebb, was British; since then, no national of a P5 state has held the post. It has instead been occupied by figures from Norway, Sweden, Myanmar, Austria, Peru, Egypt, South Korea, Ghana and, currently, Portugal. In 2006, Dr Shashi Tharoor was regarded as a serious candidate, though Ban Ki-moon of South Korea was ultimately elected.
An informal convention of regional rotation has operated since the 1960s, whereby successive Secretaries-General come from different continents. Some argue that this arrangement should be formalised and adjusted to reflect demographic realities, given that Asia comprises roughly 60 per cent of the global population.
When the League of Nations was founded in 1919, there were proposals for a standing international army, navy and air force loyal to the League rather than to individual nation states; these never materialised. The concept could, in theory, be revived under UN auspices. Personnel might swear allegiance to the UN, renounce national citizenship and serve exclusively under international command, using UN passports, which already exist for certain officials and stateless persons. Retired personnel might then be permitted to settle in states willing to accommodate them; Argentina, for instance, recognises a constitutional “right to immigrate”.